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Last time we spoke about the retreat to Königsberg. Stalin's bold general offensive pushed the Red Army to hammer away at German Army Groups North and Center, with the goal of encircling and exhausting enemy forces before the spring thaw. Building on earlier victories at Moscow and Rostov, the Soviets launched scattered assaults across frozen landscapes, but they struggled with coordination issues, supply shortages, and overextended lines. Intense fighting erupted around Lake Ilmen, the Volkhov River, Staraya Russa, and Rzhev, where General Meretskov's Volkhov Front made gains like capturing Pogostye thanks to stronger artillery, yet couldn't fully break through German defenses. Up north, Field Marshal von Leeb's Army Group North was on the brink, prompting his replacement by Küchler as Hitler stubbornly refused retreats. The Germans held firm at Staraya Russa through air drops and counterstrikes. To the south, Zhukov and Konev's forces pressured Vyazma and Rzhev, forcing Hitler to allow a pullback to the shorter Königsberg line, which trimmed fronts by about 100 kilometers.

This episode is Model’s Model Counterattack

Well hello there, welcome to the Eastern Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

 

Disaster continues to loom over Army Group Center. Even more Soviet forces are pouring through the gaps in its lines, posing a real threat of encirclement. And the German response? Launch an attack! This week, we're diving into the events from January 18th to January 24th, 1942, where Timoshenko catches Bock off guard in Ukraine, and Army Group North keeps getting hammered from every direction. Following yet another brief lull, Klykov launches a fresh assault on January 21st, targeting the strongpoints near Mostki. But this push advances at an agonizingly slow pace. The 4th and 59th Armies have massed 12 divisions and 400 guns across a 12-kilometer sector, yet the attack crumbles against the four reinforced German divisions holding the line. This setback prompts Meretskov to request permission to scrap the assault altogether, redirecting resources to bolster the more effective 2nd Shock Army instead. Under this plan, the 4th Army would stick to carrying out pinning attacks, while the 59th Army gets reinforced and shifts to strike from the right flank of the 2nd Shock Army. Stalin gives his approval, but he insists that the 2nd Shock and 52nd Armies keep up their offensives throughout the regrouping period, and that all redeployments remain strictly under wraps.

On the night of the 23rd, Meretskov issued a demand for the 13th Cavalry Corps to be deployed, aiming to capitalize on the breakthroughs achieved by the 2nd Shock Army. But right as the Soviet troops surged forward through the gap, a fierce German counterattack struck from the flanks, launched by the 39th Panzer and 38th Army Corps. The Germans managed to reclaim some territory and quickly dug in with strong entrenchments. Kuchler had tasked the 16th Army’s 38th Corps with defending the southern side of Klykov’s penetration, while the 18th Army’s 1st Corps handled the northern flank. This situation forced the Soviet 59th and 52nd Armies into desperate efforts to expand the narrow foundation of the Shock Army’s advance. Their inability to succeed in this ultimately brought the entire offensive to a grinding halt. Meanwhile, elements of Soviet cavalry broke through to the German rear lines, unleashing significant chaos in their logistical operations.

Meretskov held the conviction that if he could safeguard the 2nd Shock Army’s supply line and broaden the foundation of their breakthrough, this unit was perfectly placed to push northward and trap a substantial array of German divisions in an encirclement. Yet, from the German viewpoint, that very same slender supply corridor presented an enticing chance for a decisive counterstrike, one that could lead to a massive encirclement of their own. At most, just 10 kilometers divided the two German Corps at the narrow neck of the penetration. Cutting right through this gap, a lone small-gauge railway line was being rapidly built to provision Klukov’s Army.

At the same time, as the Volkhov Front grappled with severe supply shortages, the stream of resources moving across the Road of Life had been steadily enhancing all through the month. The Leningrad Front not only managed to meet all of their required quotas, but they were even beginning to accumulate surpluses for stockpiling once more. Glantz“By 20 January the Leningrad Front had amassed 10-11 days' worth of flour, 5 days of grain, 9-10 days of butter, 4 days of fat, and 8 days of sugar in city warehouses, at Ladoga Station on the lake's western shore, and en route across the ice.” This development made it possible to enhance rations for both civilians and soldiers yet again. During that period, 11,296 individuals were evacuated from Leningrad, though it came at a tremendous toll for those operating the Road of Life, where the informal motto of 'two convoys per driver per day' took hold. Even with all this exertion, between 3,500 and 4,000 people continued to succumb each day to starvation and illness, resulting in more than 120,000 civilian deaths in January alone.

To the south, siege lines were tightening around Staraya Russa, where the 11th Army found itself unable to penetrate the defenses. The 18th Motorised Infantry had endured more than 1,000 casualties, yet they succeeded in allocating an infantry battalion, supported by a contingent of engineers, to maintain the vital Kholm road's openness. In response, the Soviets sent forward the 1st and 2nd Guards Rifle Corps, though their arrivals wouldn't begin until February. At the same time, the Germans pieced together a battlegroup drawing from the Polizei-Regiment Nord, three battalions of the 81st Infantry Division, and four tanks sourced from Panzer Regiment 203. On the 24th, this force initiated a counterattack sweeping in from the northwest. It reclaimed some territory against the 84th Rifle Division but fell short of capturing the rail line.

 

The 11th Army did achieve a measure of success with the encircled German outpost at Vzvad, which was ultimately abandoned on the 20th. Following the destruction of Vzvad by fire, its garrison embarked on a grueling march of nearly 20 kilometers across the frozen expanse of Lake Ilman in temperatures plummeting to -50°C, finally rejoining German lines.

The 3rd Shock Army had advanced to within 32 kilometers of Kholm by the 15th. Facing them, the 123rd Infantry Division had been eroded to just over 8,000 troops, with nearly a quarter of them afflicted by frostbite. Hitler had explicitly barred this unit from pulling back, but it was buckling beneath the onslaught from five Soviet divisions. In an effort to mask his maneuvers, Busch redesignated the division as Gruppe Raunch and shifted it to safeguard the southern routes leading to Demyansk. This adjustment compelled the German 2nd Corps to retract its flank in order to confront the 3rd Shock Army’s incursion. Units were pulled from its front lines opposite the relatively dormant 34th Army to bolster defenses against the 3rd Shock. At the expense of 4,000 casualties, the 3rd Shock Army secured a total breakthrough. To capitalize on this gain, Purkaev divided his army into three segments: one to pursue Gruppe Raunch, another to seize Kholm, and the final one to target Velikiye Luki.

In the meantime, Kholm was already facing assaults. Early on the 18th, the 2nd Leningrad Partisan Brigade launched an attempt to overrun the town. Sentries had been quietly eliminated, the garrison's commandant was slain, and their truck park was obliterated. Nevertheless, the Germans clung on just long enough for the 800 partisans to exhaust their ammunition, compelling them to withdraw. The following day, a number of German reinforcements reached the area, swelling the garrison to 3,158 personnel. In the wake of this, Hitler proclaimed Kholm a fortress, thereby prohibiting any form of retreat.

The 3rd Shock Army wouldn't start arriving until the 21st. That morning, the 33rd Rifle Division launched an all-out assault to seize Kholm but met with failure. In the aftermath, the 3rd Shock Army worked to establish siege lines encircling the town, aiming to block any further German reinforcements. Meanwhile, compact infantry units kept testing the German defenses with persistent probes, sometimes backed by tank support. Yet, the heavy snow compelled all assailants to funnel along the same pathways, which made it straightforward for the garrison to mount an effective defense. Shifting focus, the 4th Shock Army reached Toropets on the morning of the 20th. The town was defended by a mere 2,500 troops, none of them frontline combatants. Within just one day, a bolstered 249th Rifle Division overpowered the garrison entirely. The supplies stockpiled there were taken intact, delivering much-needed provisions of food and fuel. Eremenko had covered 65 kilometers in eight days, effectively cutting the link between Army Group North and Army Group Center. On the 22nd, his army was transferred to the Kalinin Front and redirected its efforts eastward. Halder would later remark that this advance was 'not an operational danger, but it does draw forces away from other sectors.

That same day, Karl Brandt wrapped up his inspection tour of the Eastern Front. Among the key problems he highlighted in his report to Goebbels was his astonishment at the stark gap between the orders and regulations issued from above and how they were actually carried out on the front lines. Goebbels “The desk generals in Berlin are not even worth one ounce of black powder. Their war consisted only of writing paper. The worn-out generals at home have no real understanding of modern warfare. Their cardinal mistake is that they do not follow up on the orders they give, but rather believe that when they give an order it will be carried out. That is a fundamental mistake. Our military operation in the east is today so heavily burdened and constrained, that one must be informed as to the exact execution of an order; otherwise one here can experience the most dreadful disappointments”. This revelation prompted Goebbels to gripe that the exhausted desk-bound generals back home had no grasp of conducting modern warfare, simply because they failed to ensure their directives were followed through. Prior to assuming command of the 9th Army, Model had a meeting with Hitler at the Wolf's Lair. Model's intense fanaticism and unwavering devotion to Nazism left a profound impression on Hitler. This encounter only enhanced his already rising stature, which he'd earned through his adept management of his corps amid the winter retreat. Afterward, Hitler remarked, 'I trust that man to do it, but I wouldn’t want to serve under him.' Model emerged as one of the initial officers promoted on the basis of apparent merit instead of strict seniority, a shift that gradually weeded out those inclined to retreat or beg for reinforcements, while favoring the ones who zealously clung to their positions. Heusinger pondered if these changes in command might bring relief to him and Halder “Halder and I are seated in the saddle more than ever, and the hope of finding some respite is unfortunately illusive.”

Model mercilessly stripped down all his formations to assemble battlegroups for a three-pronged offensive. The 23rd Corps would strike westward, while the 6th Corps pushed eastward, collaborating to seal the 27-kilometer gap between them. At the same time, a third contingent would launch northwest from Sychevka—a move probably designed as a feint to keep the Soviet 39th Army from dispatching reinforcements northward. Staff officers urged Model to delay the assault until the weather turned more favorable. His retort was straightforward: 'Why, gentlemen? Tomorrow or the day after won’t be any warmer. The Russians aren’t stopping their operations.' By concentrating his troops this way, he'd left his defensive lines perilously thin, and the longer the wait, the higher the chance of a fresh Soviet breakthrough. Hitler, growing anxious, issued orders for the 9th Army to redirect toward Gzhatsk to halt the Soviet advance on Vyazma. A furious Model flew straight to the Wolf's Lair and confronted him: 'Mein Führer, who commands the Ninth Army, you or I?' Following a protracted argument, Hitler eventually relented, but not without a sinister caveat: 'You do as you please, but it will be your head at risk.

His offensive kicked off at 10:30 AM on the 21st. The Soviets had amassed 60,000 troops south of Rzhev, sustained by a supply corridor under relentless harassment from German artillery. They were caught completely off guard, yet they persistently launched counterattacks against Model's own counteroffensive. By midday on the 23rd, the 6th and 23rd Corps had at last linked up. The focus then shifted to solidifying the front line and mopping up the 11th Cavalry Corps, the 39th Army, and a substantial portion of the 29th Army now ensnared behind German positions. One possible escape path would lead straight back through the German lines, but the armies of the Kalinin Front were thoroughly exhausted. Their only other option was trying to connect with the 4th Shock Army at Toropets. That is, if Stalin permitted a withdrawal instead of demanding that Konev somehow shatter the 9th Army’s front line all over again…

As Army Group Center pulled back to the Königsberg line, it once more resorted to scorched-earth tactics. Houses were set ablaze or razed to the ground, entire villages sometimes engulfed in flames with their inhabitants still trapped inside, and even wells were systematically destroyed. Absolutely nothing was left behind for the advancing Red Army or the beleaguered peasants who survived. Although the German occupation drew to a close, it bequeathed a legacy of famine, rampant disease, and deadly minefields. Trailing in the Red Army's footsteps came the NKVD, who by the end of the month had arrested more than 1,400 individuals on charges of alleged collaboration, often based on the most tenuous evidence. A NKVD instruction.  “ When moving into the area, liberated from the enemy forces, it is essential to establish and fix the political mood of all layers of the population in relation to the restoration of Soviet power”. Among the 55 to 65 million Soviets who had endured life under occupation, the majority were the most vulnerable: the poorest, the elderly, women, and children. Working-age men had mostly been conscripted, escaped eastward, or gone into hiding, while those who stayed behind were forced into slave labor and became primary targets for brutal reprisals.

Kübler was bound by strict directives from Hitler and Kluge to hold Yukhnov at any cost. He was also tasked with launching a northward attack to connect with the 4th Panzer Army, all while orchestrating a retreat to the Königsberg line. In reality, he was barely managing to retain control of the Vyazma road, essential for supplying the whole 4th Army. This lifeline was besieged by Soviet partisans, cavalry, paratroopers, and regular infantry, leading to it being repeatedly severed and then reclaimed. On the 18th, Kübler journeyed to the Wolf's Lair. Hitler had initially sought only an update on frontline conditions; however, Kübler candidly expressed his reservations to Hitler about sustaining the defenses. “because he told the Führer that he did not believe it possible to hold the highway [to Viaz’ma] and Yukhnov with the army”. Halder- “ [Kübler] does not feel equal to the task,” + Blumentritt, “[Kübler] could not stand the strain.” Unsurprisingly, he was dismissed on the 20th 'to restore his health.' His successor was Heinrici, who, despite frequently foretelling disaster, had endured the isolation of his corps at Kaluga and navigated its retreat successfully. The 4th Army pinned their hopes on him pulling off a similar feat. Heinrici assumed command on the 21st, amid temperatures so frigid that no combat erupted along the army's front. The very next day, the 57th Corps caught the Soviets off guard, narrowing the gap to the 4th Panzer Army to just 8 kilometers. What's more, the 40th Corps succeeded in keeping the supply roads operational for the full day.

Reinhardt dispatched a letter to Kluge on the 18th that verged on an ultimatum, stemming from the fact that his Panzer army had still not received permission to withdraw. The following day, Kluge acknowledged that he had grasped the intent of Reinhardt's message and greenlit the Panzer armies' retreat, which helped ease the strain between the two commanders. With that, all the armies under Army Group Center began executing controlled withdrawals under the cover of night. Once the final division reached its position by the 24th, Kluge declared there would be no more pullbacks—the line simply couldn't be shortened any further. From here, the Army Group would either stand firm or crumble entirely. The Red Army was hurling one futile assault after another at the Germans; many of their troops were raw recruits or rear-echelon personnel who would panic at the mere sight, or even just the rumble, of tanks. On top of that, the biting cold proved a merciless adversary to everyone exposed in the open.

Kluge’s withdrawal instilled in Stalin a misleading illusion of success. On the 19th, the 1st Shock Army was pulled back from the Western Front and reassigned to the STAVKA reserve, which effectively doubled the frontline stretch for the already severely depleted 20th Army. The dire reality came to light through a captured Soviet officer's diary: '...We had very many dead and wounded. One sees our operations are at an end. We have no more men or weapons. In the companies, we have only 10–15 men; in the battalions, only two companies. We urgently, urgently need replacements.' Despite the evident frailty of his units, Zhukov’s protests were dismissed outright. In the wake of this, the 16th Army was also withdrawn on the 21st for redeployment farther south, a move that essentially crippled the Western Front's capacity to strike at Panzer Armies 3 and 4. Compounding the setback, the 1st Shock Army had been facing off against the faltering 5th Corps, which teetered on the brink of breakdown—a vulnerability that could have driven a wedge between the two Panzer Armies. On the flip side, both withdrawn armies were themselves in an even more battered state.

In the gap south of Yukhnov, compact battlegroups from the 40th Corps had been locked in ongoing skirmishes with the 1st Guard Cavalry Corps for weeks, as the Soviets pushed to infiltrate the German rear. With the 4th Army now in retreat, STAVKA directed Belov to advance on Vyazma—a thrust that would demand breaching the defenses along the Moscow-Warsaw highway. To facilitate this, STAVKA initiated the Zhelane Operation, deploying veteran paratroopers from prior missions. After parachuting in 40 kilometers southeast of Vyazma near Lugi, these troops were to fan out on skis, disrupting the highways leading into Yukhnov while simultaneously striking the Germans around Yukhnov from behind. According to Soviet intelligence, the area featured only small, isolated local garrisons, cut off from one another by the deep snow. Glantz - “Soviet aerial reconnaissance indicated that a German division headquarters, supply units, and up to an infantry battalion (300–400 men) were garrisoned at Znamenka. Another German battalion guarded an ammunition depot at nearby Godunovka and two platoons of infantry were located at Velikopol’e. A major German headquarters was at Podsosenki, with elements of other infantry battalions (300–500 men each) garrisoned at Klimov Zavod, Sidorovskoe, and Siniukovo. Further west, one battalion each garrisoned Debriansky and Ugra Station”.

On the morning of the 18th, the paratroopers set out from Vnukovo. Inclement weather threw the second drop into disarray. Worse still, some planes touched down in the incorrect zone, perilously near German garrisons, and were promptly destroyed. This compelled the paratroopers to regroup around Plesnovo, where they depended on aid from local partisans. The rest of the contingent would arrive via nighttime landings over the ensuing days, ultimately swelling their ranks to 1,643. Zhukov broadened their objectives on the 21st to include direct support for Belov. To that end, two paratrooper battalions were sent southward, while the others focused on assaulting nearby German garrisons.

South of the gap, Schmidt was at last poised to rescue the 4,000 soldiers besieged at Suchinitschi, roughly 50 kilometers distant. His assault force comprised an eclectic mix of battlegroups drawn from across the entire Panzer Army. Stahel “under the direction Langermann-Erlancamp’s 24th Army Corps was a mixed bag of battle groups as well as elements of the 18th and 4th Panzer Divisions, the 208th Infantry Division, and newly arrived 339th Infantry Division”. Reconnaissance reports indicated that Soviet morale in the area was plummeting, with prisoners recounting widespread incidents of frostbite, dire supply shortages, and rampant desertions. A preliminary probing attack on the 18th yielded astonishing results—the Soviets were utterly unready for a significant onslaught. Seizing on this intelligence, Erlancamp jumped the gun and initiated the offensive ahead of schedule. By the close of the 19th, the 18th Panzer Division had surged halfway to Suchinitschi, brushing aside all resistance in its path. Yet this push was spearheaded by understrength battalions operating with exposed flanks, a risky posture Erlancamp was loath to sustain. He instructed Gilsa to ready his encircled troops for a breakout, but Kluge swiftly overruled the directive. Hitler had decreed that Suchinitschi must be held, and Kluge dared not court outright insubordination on the issue.

Having monitored the offensive closely, Schmidt lodged a protest in response. Kluge brought this to Hitler's attention on the 20th, prompting Hitler to insist that Suchinitschi be held firm and to broaden the offensive's scope. Erlancamp was now directed to push northward toward the 4th Army's lines. As was typical, one dictator’s overextension was to be countered by the other’s own overextension. By the 22nd, temperatures plummeted to -44°C, sending frostbite incidents soaring and bolstering Soviet defenses. Heinrich Eberbach “I can still remember seeing them move out in a snowstorm with icicles hanging from their eyebrows and noses, bent over close to their panje horses, if they had them.” The snow blanketed the ground to a depth of 40cm, forcing some units to essentially excavate their path ahead. These grueling conditions eventually led Hitler to back down from his calls for an advance north of Suchinitschi, swayed by counsel from Kluge and Schmidt. Nonetheless, the town was to stand as a stronghold for gearing up toward future offensives. Gilsa launched a southward attack on the 24th, at last linking up with the sole two battalions that remained operational from the German assault. After enduring three weeks of encirclement, supported entirely by an airbridge, Suchinitschi was finally relieved.

However, this triumph was somewhat tainted by events in Weikersthal’s 53rd Corps. Under relentless pressure from the 61st Army for weeks, his four infantry divisions hit their limit on the 23rd. Weikersthal pulled back a small unit a short distance to avoid a potential local encirclement, all without authorization. He justified it by claiming the move came only 'after a determined resistance and the expenditure of all ammunition.' While Schmidt refrained from disciplining his subordinate or escalating the matter, the records noted merely a thorough exchange of views. Already treading on thin ice, Weikersthal sought approval for a withdrawal on the 25th,and was promptly replaced for 'health reasons' that materialized out of nowhere. Bock reached Poltava on the 19th, where General Hoth greeted him. There, Bock discovered that the calm, stable front he'd been assured of beforehand was anything but. Timoshenko’s offensive at Izyum had smashed through the German lines the previous day. No reserve units were on hand except for two German divisions and one Romanian division, yet the abysmal condition of the railroads meant they were weeks away from arrival.

Back on the 18th, the 57th and 6th Armies launched their offensive across a 97km frontline stretching from Sloviansk to Balakliia. Numerous German strongpoints were either overrun or bypassed in the onslaught. By day's end, the German 17th Army was already pulling back supply dumps and hospitals, as several breaches punctured its lines. By midday on the 19th, the Army's final local reserves had been thrown into the fray, yet a Soviet spearhead spearheaded by tanks was charging toward Barvinkove. If the Soviets managed to seize the Dnipro crossings, the 1st Panzer and 17th Armies would find themselves ensnared in a massive pocket.

By the 22nd, the 17th Army had been driven back to Sloviansk under the Southern Front’s relentless assault. At the same time, the Southwestern Front was funneling forces through the gap to encircle the German 6th Army. In a bid to thwart this, Paulus hurled all his reserves toward Alekseyevskoye to stave off the envelopment of Kharkiv. On the 22nd, Malinovsky unleashed both the 1st and 5th Cavalry Corps west of Sloviansk to capitalize on the breakthrough. By the close of the 25th, the Soviets had ripped a vast swath from the German defenses and advanced halfway from Izyum to the Dnipro. Facing this catastrophe, Bock ordered Panzer Detachment 60 recalled on the 24th from its fresh assignment toward Crimea. Still, the Germans clung tenaciously to Sloviansk and Balakliia, limiting the breach's width to a comparatively narrow 80km.

With Feodosiya in German hands, Manstein's offensive pressed on in hot pursuit of the shattered 44th Army. The 51st Army, still waiting for its artillery and infantry reinforcements to reach the front, was powerless to intervene. The 302nd Rifle Division clung to Vladislavovka, but German advances elsewhere endangered its supply lines. Kozlov, who had once dismissed the Germans in Crimea as impotent, now feared being hurled back into the sea. By the 20th, both Soviet Armies were in headlong retreat, their lines only beginning to stabilize beyond the Parapach Narrows, which had fallen under German sway. There, the frontline devolved into a scene evocative of the First World War, with both sides entrenching heavily along the slender isthmus linking the Kerch Peninsula to the rest of Crimea. Manstein had planned an assault to shatter these defenses on the 25th, but unfolding crises in Ukraine made it impossible. This operation had inflicted a mere 995 casualties on the 30th Corps. On the Soviet side, however, reinforcements began pouring in swiftly as the Kerch Straits froze over on the 20th and stayed iced for three weeks. The 47th Army was established at Kerch as a second-echelon reserve force.

With the primary Soviet force now bottled up, Manstein detached 5 German and 2 Romanian battalions from the 30th Corps to tackle the Soviet landings at Sudak. Yet the Soviet troops there had used their time to dig in deeply, compelling the Germans to hunker down for yet another siege. Artillery barrages and airstrikes were deployed to wear down the Soviet regiment bit by bit. As the week drew to a close, Kozlov opted to dispatch the 554th Mountain Regiment to bolster the faltering position at Sudak.

At Sevastopol, the combat had simmered down to low-key trench warfare as both sides regrouped. The Soviets were desperately working to refurbish the fatigued barrels of their artillery and naval guns. In addition, convoys ferried in 6,000 replacements to the city while evacuating 2,194 wounded. On the German side, replacement battalions were compelled to trek from Perekop to Sevastopol on foot, hampered by drastically curtailed rail service. Moreover, food shortages had forced the 54th Corps to ship all its horses out to Kherson. Conversely, German infiltrators succeeded in tapping numerous Soviet field telephone lines, providing advance alerts on most Soviet raids.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

In the brutal winter of January 1942, the Eastern Front witnessed fierce clashes as Soviet forces pressed their offensives against German Army Groups North and Center, aiming to encircle and exhaust the invaders amid supply shortages and freezing conditions. However, Walter Model's audacious counterattack with the 9th Army turned the tide, sealing gaps and trapping significant Soviet units south of Rzhev. Despite Stalin's relentless demands and Zhukov's depleted armies, German resilience—bolstered by Hitler's no-retreat orders—halted advances at key points like Kholm and Suchinitschi. This week underscored the grinding stalemate, with both sides suffering immense casualties, foreshadowing the protracted horrors of the war ahead.